Why protest works Adam Daniel Fishwick skrifar 8. september 2025 09:31 This weekend thousands of Icelanders joined to protest the ongoing genocide in Palestine. People gathered in public squares to demand an end to the atrocities and collectively called the Icelandic government to action. Positive signs are that the government may listen to the protesters but what happens next is still uncertain. Often, we hear criticisms of protests (and protesters): What is the point? Nothing will change. Who will listen? I’m only one person. These are all common responses that anyone who has been on a protest of any kind will have heard. But change does happen. Social movement scholars Laurence Cox and Alf Nielsen in their 2014 book described institutions as “the sediments of past struggles”. What this means is that often what is presented to us as fixed and unchangeable is actually far more fragile than we think. And protest can reset that sediment to something new. We can look to history to see how protest has made a difference and brought about change. The end of Apartheid in South Africa is often used as an example for today’s global protests in support of Palestine. Protest movements in South America have played a crucial role in ending dictatorships and confronting corrupt and unequal economies. Even in Iceland, the pots and pans protests in 2008 saw off the worst of economic austerity that overtook the rest of Europe. At the same time, we can list examples when protest hasn’t brought about change. When protests have ended in repression and failure – see the 2003 invasion of Iraq. So, to understand why protest works we also need to understand what protest does, even beyond the most visible examples of institutional and social change. First, protest disrupts. The act of protesting is, at its core, disruptive of the status quo. It stops the normal functioning of life to march in the streets of the city, to gather in a public square or in front of a major political building, or, in more extreme examples, to blockade or occupy symbolically important buildings or locations. This physical disruption can have important consequences. It can prevent something from happening – blockading shipments and ports, for example – or it can make our actions visible to powerful decision makers who normally we would not be able to reach – anti globalisation protesters in the 1990s, for example, stopped the WTO. Disruption is important because, at the same time, it reveals how that status quo operates. It shows us who is making the decisions that are affecting us and how these are being made. In doing so, it also produces a symbolic disruption to our collective understanding of what is – and what should be – normal. Protest is a revelatory moment because it makes visible the processes and people making the decisions that maintain the normal functioning of our society. It unsettles the idea that politics is happening “out there” away from our grasp and shows that we can have a say in how things are done. Political decisions often appear to us as necessary evils – the famous T(here) I(s) N(o) A(lternative) to neoliberalism or the public bailing out of the global banking sector after 2008 – but by stopping and saying no, we see how these are the outcomes of decisions being made, and decisions we can change. But protest also works as more than just disruption. It is productive and creative. Protest offers hope for a different future. The collective calls made this weekend for peace and freedom for children and their families in Gaza by children and their families in Reykjavik is a hopeful vision of the future. By coming together in this way, protest builds connection between those involved in these collective actions. These bonds are the foundation of solidarity and building community between individuals. Social movements and their momentum rely on this connection and solidarity formation to sustain themselves and to offer alternative visions that can challenge the status quo. We see examples of this solidarity building in the occupation of public squares after 2010 that built activist communities, in trade unions that build grassroots solidarity among their members through collective action, or in mass protests by feminist movements around the world demanding rights to safe abortion. Protest disrupts, reveals, builds community, and changes the world. Confronting the horrors facing the Palestinians in Gaza today means we need to do all these things. So now is the time to keep showing just how protest can work. The author is currently based at the University of Akureyri with a PhD in International Relations and has an academic background of over 10 years researching, publishing, and teaching on social movements and trade unions. He is now researching trade unions and protest in Iceland. Viltu birta grein á Vísi? Kynntu þér reglur ritstjórnar um skoðanagreinar. Senda grein Mest lesið Halldór 24.10.26 Halldór Stígum inn, konur eiga ekki að þurfa að herða sig Jakob Tryggvason Skoðun Hallalaus fjárlög mega ekki kosta farsæld barna Sveitarstjórnarfólk Framsóknar Skoðun 7 er ekki lengur 7 Hólmfríður Jennýjar Árnadóttir,Álfhildur Leifsdóttir Skoðun Af hverju er ríkisstjórninni svona illa við landsbyggðina… Sigríður Ólafsdóttir Skoðun Lífeyrissjóðs tekjur og skerðing ellilífeyris Sigurður Tómas Garðarsson Skoðun Hugrenningar í kjölfar sýknudóms í Landsrétti Helgi Gunnlaugsson Skoðun Ósýnileg hamlandi einkenni – þegar baráttan sést ekki Sigrún Heimisdóttir Skoðun Kröfurnar standa enn Georg Páll Skúlason Skoðun Ríkisútvarpið og hlutverk þess Skoðun Skoðun Skoðun Loftbrúin á að jafna aðstöðumun – ekki auka hann Jóhanna Lilja Eiríksdóttir skrifar Skoðun Bruninn á Stuðlum og ábyrgð ríkisins Salvör Nordal skrifar Skoðun Af hverju er ríkisstjórninni svona illa við landsbyggðina… Sigríður Ólafsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Mannréttindi eru ekki góðvild — þau eru góð stefna Björn Leví Gunnarsson skrifar Skoðun Við krefjumst þess að þolendur segi frá. En er kerfið tilbúið að hlusta? Herdís Ósk Sveinsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Börn bíða eftir hjálp á meðan stjórnvöld ræða einkunnir Kristín Kjartansdóttir skrifar Skoðun I'm simply the best, better than all the rest...: Skýrt markmið, óskýr framkvæmd og enn ein útgáfan Hjálmar Bogi Hafliðason skrifar Skoðun Hallalaus fjárlög mega ekki kosta farsæld barna Sveitarstjórnarfólk Framsóknar skrifar Skoðun Bráðum verðum við ósýnileg Ágúst Mogensen skrifar Skoðun Sameinuðu þjóðirnar í 81 ár: Lýðræði og mannréttindi verja sig ekki sjálf Eva Harðardóttir,Erlingur Erlingsson,Helen María Ólafsdóttir,Páll Ásgeir Davíðsson,Rakel Anna Boulter,Viktoría Valdimarsdóttir,Þorvarður Atli Þórsson,Þórður Kristinsson skrifar Skoðun Kröfurnar standa enn Georg Páll Skúlason skrifar Skoðun Stígum inn, konur eiga ekki að þurfa að herða sig Jakob Tryggvason skrifar Skoðun America First – eða America Alone? Gestur Valgarðsson skrifar Skoðun Þversögnin í menntamálum Helga María Pálsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Sátt um hvað? Ofbeldi er ekki ágreiningur Inga Valgerður Henriksen Bergdal skrifar Skoðun Er samþykki skálkaskjól fyrir skepnuskap ? Magnea Marinósdóttir skrifar Skoðun Ósýnileg hamlandi einkenni – þegar baráttan sést ekki Sigrún Heimisdóttir skrifar Skoðun Íslendingar kusu fátækt og einangrun þann 29. ágúst 2026 Jón Frímann Jónsson skrifar Skoðun Innviðirnir verða að ráða hraðanum Eggert Guðmundsson skrifar Skoðun Falleinkunn fyrir Heima-dæmi Sigurður Sævarsson skrifar Skoðun 7 er ekki lengur 7 Hólmfríður Jennýjar Árnadóttir,Álfhildur Leifsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Þegar sátt er ekki lausnin – hvaða aðrar leiðir eru færar? Kristín Skjaldardóttir,Þóra Sigfríður Einarsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Margt smátt Sigurður Líndal Þórisson skrifar Skoðun Lífeyrissjóðs tekjur og skerðing ellilífeyris Sigurður Tómas Garðarsson skrifar Skoðun Stígum inn, konur eiga ekki að þurfa að herða sig Jakob Tryggvason skrifar Skoðun Verkin fylgja, varla fé Magnús Magnússon skrifar Skoðun Þrjú lögregluembætti – á hvaða forsendum? Björn Bjarki Þorsteinsson skrifar Skoðun Ríkisútvarpið og hlutverk þess skrifar Skoðun Leyndinni loks aflétt Jón Pétur Zimsen skrifar Skoðun Vaxtabætur hverfa þegar vextirnir bíta mest Magnea Gná Jóhannsdóttir skrifar Sjá meira
This weekend thousands of Icelanders joined to protest the ongoing genocide in Palestine. People gathered in public squares to demand an end to the atrocities and collectively called the Icelandic government to action. Positive signs are that the government may listen to the protesters but what happens next is still uncertain. Often, we hear criticisms of protests (and protesters): What is the point? Nothing will change. Who will listen? I’m only one person. These are all common responses that anyone who has been on a protest of any kind will have heard. But change does happen. Social movement scholars Laurence Cox and Alf Nielsen in their 2014 book described institutions as “the sediments of past struggles”. What this means is that often what is presented to us as fixed and unchangeable is actually far more fragile than we think. And protest can reset that sediment to something new. We can look to history to see how protest has made a difference and brought about change. The end of Apartheid in South Africa is often used as an example for today’s global protests in support of Palestine. Protest movements in South America have played a crucial role in ending dictatorships and confronting corrupt and unequal economies. Even in Iceland, the pots and pans protests in 2008 saw off the worst of economic austerity that overtook the rest of Europe. At the same time, we can list examples when protest hasn’t brought about change. When protests have ended in repression and failure – see the 2003 invasion of Iraq. So, to understand why protest works we also need to understand what protest does, even beyond the most visible examples of institutional and social change. First, protest disrupts. The act of protesting is, at its core, disruptive of the status quo. It stops the normal functioning of life to march in the streets of the city, to gather in a public square or in front of a major political building, or, in more extreme examples, to blockade or occupy symbolically important buildings or locations. This physical disruption can have important consequences. It can prevent something from happening – blockading shipments and ports, for example – or it can make our actions visible to powerful decision makers who normally we would not be able to reach – anti globalisation protesters in the 1990s, for example, stopped the WTO. Disruption is important because, at the same time, it reveals how that status quo operates. It shows us who is making the decisions that are affecting us and how these are being made. In doing so, it also produces a symbolic disruption to our collective understanding of what is – and what should be – normal. Protest is a revelatory moment because it makes visible the processes and people making the decisions that maintain the normal functioning of our society. It unsettles the idea that politics is happening “out there” away from our grasp and shows that we can have a say in how things are done. Political decisions often appear to us as necessary evils – the famous T(here) I(s) N(o) A(lternative) to neoliberalism or the public bailing out of the global banking sector after 2008 – but by stopping and saying no, we see how these are the outcomes of decisions being made, and decisions we can change. But protest also works as more than just disruption. It is productive and creative. Protest offers hope for a different future. The collective calls made this weekend for peace and freedom for children and their families in Gaza by children and their families in Reykjavik is a hopeful vision of the future. By coming together in this way, protest builds connection between those involved in these collective actions. These bonds are the foundation of solidarity and building community between individuals. Social movements and their momentum rely on this connection and solidarity formation to sustain themselves and to offer alternative visions that can challenge the status quo. We see examples of this solidarity building in the occupation of public squares after 2010 that built activist communities, in trade unions that build grassroots solidarity among their members through collective action, or in mass protests by feminist movements around the world demanding rights to safe abortion. Protest disrupts, reveals, builds community, and changes the world. Confronting the horrors facing the Palestinians in Gaza today means we need to do all these things. So now is the time to keep showing just how protest can work. The author is currently based at the University of Akureyri with a PhD in International Relations and has an academic background of over 10 years researching, publishing, and teaching on social movements and trade unions. He is now researching trade unions and protest in Iceland.
Skoðun Við krefjumst þess að þolendur segi frá. En er kerfið tilbúið að hlusta? Herdís Ósk Sveinsdóttir skrifar
Skoðun I'm simply the best, better than all the rest...: Skýrt markmið, óskýr framkvæmd og enn ein útgáfan Hjálmar Bogi Hafliðason skrifar
Skoðun Sameinuðu þjóðirnar í 81 ár: Lýðræði og mannréttindi verja sig ekki sjálf Eva Harðardóttir,Erlingur Erlingsson,Helen María Ólafsdóttir,Páll Ásgeir Davíðsson,Rakel Anna Boulter,Viktoría Valdimarsdóttir,Þorvarður Atli Þórsson,Þórður Kristinsson skrifar
Skoðun Þegar sátt er ekki lausnin – hvaða aðrar leiðir eru færar? Kristín Skjaldardóttir,Þóra Sigfríður Einarsdóttir skrifar